Monday, October 29, 2007

Mengunjungi Negeri Sengketa Israel-Palestina Jelang Konferensi Damai (1)

"Interogasi" hingga Menit Terakhir sebelum Boarding

Israel didukung Amerika Serikat siap berdamai dan berbagi wilayah yang dicaploknya dengan Palestina. Namun, melihat kenyataan geografis dan sosiologis di Jerusalem maupun Tepi Barat, komitmen itu bisa jadi hanya angan-angan belaka.

TOFAN MAHDI, Tel Aviv

"I’m a member of Israeli intelligence. I’m working for very secret thing, even I don’t know what I’m doing." (Saya anggota intelijen Israel. Saya bekerja untuk sesuatu yang sangat rahasia, sampai-sampai saya

sendiri tidak tahu apa yang saya kerjakan). Joke tersebut tertulis di sebuah t-shirt yang dijual di emperan toko di Old Jerusalem.

Jika kita pernah menonton film The Man Who Captured Eichmann atau Munich, kita bisa melihat betapa canggih dan mengerikan teknik operasi Mossad, badan intelijen Israel untuk urusan luar negeri.

Adolf Eichmann, mantan perwira menengah Nazi yang mengubah identitas dan melarikan diri ke Argentina, ditangkap lewat operasi intelijen yang rapi oleh Mossad. Eichmann yang didakwa bertanggung jawab atas tewasnya orang-orang Yahudi di kamp konsentrasi Auswich, Polandia, akhirnya diterbangkan, diadili, dan digantung di Israel.

Di film Munich, kita melihat kekejaman dan darah dingin Mossad membunuh tokoh-tokoh PLO (Front Pembebasan Palestina) yang dituduh menjadi otak pembunuhan atlet-atlet Israel dalam Olimpiade Munich, Jerman, pada 1972.

Mossad bukan satu-satunya badan intelijen Israel. Ada intelijen untuk urusan dalam negeri yang disebut Shin Bet, intelijen militer Irgun, hingga intel-intel "swasta" seperti Haganah, Lehi, Palmach, dan lain-lain. Sebagai negara Yahudi yang didirikan di tengah-tengah negara Arab, Israel merasa selalu terancam.
Dengan alasan itu, mereka membangun sebuah sistem dan organisasi militer serta intelijen yang sangat kuat.

Saya beruntung bisa berkunjung ke wilayah Israel. Mes ki berangkat atas undangan sebuah LSM Yahudi, yaitu Australia/Israel and Jewish Affairs Council (AIJAC), perjalanan ini sudah sepengetahuan Duta Besar Palestina di Jakarta Fariz N. Mahdawi. Dubes Palestina tidak keberatan, apalagi wilayah-wilayah Palestina juga dikunjungi.

Tidak ada penerbangan langsung dari Jakarta ke Tel Aviv, karena memang Indonesia tidak mengakui eksistensi negeri Zionis itu. Jika mau ke Jerusalem, bisa terbang ke Amman, ibu kota Jordania (negara Arab terdekat yang punya hubungan diplomatik dengan Israel), lalu dilanjutkan melalui jalur darat. Jalur ini banyak dilalui biro perjalanan wisata rohani di Indonesia.

Namun, untuk ke Tel Aviv, pilihannya tinggal lewat Singapura atau Bangkok. Jawa Pos sendiri terbang lewat Bangkok sekaligus untuk mengurus visa. Hanya ada satu maskapai yang melayani penerbangan Bangkok-Tel Aviv, yaitu maskapai penerbangan nasional Israel, El Al. Frekuensinya juga cukup tinggi: dua hari sekali.

El Al adalah maskapai dengan prosedur pengamanan paling ketat di dunia.
Proses chec k in hingga boarding memakan waktu tiga jam. Ada empat kali security check sebelum kita menginjakkan kaki ke kabin El Al. Penumpang dari negara-negara Arab atau muslim seperti Indonesia diperiksa lebih ketat. Bahkan, terkesan rasis, terlalu curiga, dan mengada-ada.

Teringat seorang teman (wartawan Jawa Pos Rukin) yang mau ke Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, ditolak naik ke pesawat Austrian Airlines saat boarding di Bandara Shuvarnabumi, Bangkok, beberapa pekan lalu, saya sempat khawatir mengalami nasib yang sama.
Belum sempat melamun panjang, seorang wanita memanggil untuk giliran diperiksa. Setelah memeriksa paspor, visa, dan tiket, sebuah pertanyaan pertama yang sangat mengagetkan diajukan petugas tadi.

"Apakah Anda membawa bom di dalam tas?"
"Maaf, bom? Absolutely not," jawab saya campur kaget dan menahan tawa.

"Kalau begitu, jawab pertanyaan saya lainnya," katanya. "Bagasi Anda dikirim dari mana dan siapa yang mengepak?"

"Saya sendiri, karena kebetulan pas tidak ada orang di rumah," jawab saya dengan sedikit g urau. Namun, tak ada balasan senyum sedikit pun dari dia.

"Apakah ada orang yang menitipkan sesuatu seperti paket, surat, atau apa pun kepada Anda?" Saya jawab, "Tidak."

"Apakah tas yang Anda bawa ke kabin pesawat, selama seharian tadi atau sejak Anda terakhir memeriksa, tetap Anda bawa?" katanya. Kali ini saya langsung menjawab, "Ya."

"Oke, Anda tunggu dulu," kata petugas tersebut seraya menelepon seseorang yang ternyata atasannya.

Petugas yang tampak berpangkat lebih tinggi datang. Setelah membolak-balik paspor, visa, tiket, dan membaca surat rekomendasi dari Duta Besar Israel di Bangkok bahwa kami memang diundang khusus untuk ke Israel, baru petugas tadi mempersilakan untuk ke konter check in El Al.

Berbeda dengan konter check in maskapai lain, di konter El Al, petugas pemeriksa penumpang bukan staf lokal. Mereka adalah aparat keamanan Israel sendiri dan -ini yang juga berbeda- mereka bersenjata. Seorang teman, wartawan senior, yang juga berangkat ke Tel Aviv diperiksa lebih ketat. Ini karena di paspor tertempel visa negara-negara Arab seperti Turki, Mesir, dan Arab Saudi.

Pertanyaan-pertanyaan yang diajukan pun lebih detail. Misalnya, adakah yang mengetahui rencana penerbangan ke Israel selain yang bersangkutan, mengapa berkunjung ke negara-negara Arab, dan siapa saja yang ditemui di negara-negara Arab.

Pemeriksaan tak hanya sebelum check in. Setelah menunggu di business lounge dan siap boarding, kami harus kembali antre untuk diperiksa. Bahkan, aktivitas lima menit (di business lounge) terakhir pun ditanyakan. Prosedur biasa: paspor, visa, dan tiket ditunjukkan. Tak ketinggalan, harus melalui detektor yang sangat sensitif.

Prosedur yang tidak biasa, ini hanya diberlakukan kepada penumpang warga non-Israel, sejumlah pertanyaan kembali diajukan petugas. "Apakah selama di business lounge tadi, Anda sempat meninggalkan tas yang akan Anda bawa ke kabin, untuk beberapa menit?". Juga pert anyaan-pertanyaan lain yang tak jauh berbeda seperti yang diajukan sa at akan check in.

Tak wajar memang. Namun, jika melihat catatan sejarah, El Al adalah maskapai yang paling aman di dunia, tapi juga sering menjadi sasaran teror, baik di darat maupun saat terbang. Misalnya, pada 4 Juli 2002, enam warga Israel ditembak mati saat akan check in di konter El Al di Los Angeles International Airport AS. Kemudian pada 23 Oktober 2003, penerbangan El Al dari Tel Aviv ke Los Angeles terpaksa dialihkan karena diancam akan diledakkan di udara.

Negara Israel yang diproklamasikan sejak 1948 memang berdiri karena tank, meriam, dan jutaan tentara. Semua warga Israel dikenai wajib militer (wamil) setelah lulus dari SMA. Untuk pria, wamil minimal tiga tahun. Wanita minimal dua tahun. Jika tidak meneruskan karir di militer, mereka tetap menjadi tentara cadangan. Semua pilot di Israel adalah anggota Angkatan Udara (IAF), apalagi pilot-pilot El Al. Dalam setiap penerbangan El Al, selalu ada tentara berpakaian preman yang duduk di antara para penum pang.

Setelah hampir 11 jam terbang dari Bangkok, pesawat Boeing 747-400 El Al yang membawa kami mendarat di Ben Gurion International Airport, Tel Aviv. Welcome to Israel. Inilah negeri Yahudi yang eksistensinya di Timur Tengah masih dipersoalkan oleh negara-negara Arab dan Islam.
(bersambung)

Friday, October 26, 2007

Semangkuk Mie Ayam

Hardi, seorang pedagang kelontong yang cukup berhasil di kotanya. Namun jangan lihat keberhasilannya sekarang sebelum tahu faktor apa yang menjadi penyebab usahanya maju dan lancar.Setahun yang lalu, Hardi mengadukan nasibnya kepada guru ngajinya. Ia mengaku sudah lebih sebelas tahun mencoba berbagai usaha namun selalu kandas di tengah jalan. Usaha pertamanya sudah dimulai saat ia baru memasuki kuliah tingkat dua, sekitar tahun 1994. Saat itu, ia mendapat pembagian warisan dari orangtuanya yang belum lama meninggal dunia.


Jiwa bisnisnya memang sudah terlihat semenjak kecil, jadi wajar jika kemudian ia mendapatkan uang warisan dalam jumlah yang cukup banyak, maka yang terbersit di kepalanya adalah bisnis.Maka, beberapa bulan kemudian ia membuka sebuah warung makan. Mulanya, warung makannya berjalan normal, bahkan bisa dibilang sangat laku keras. Mungkin karena ia melakukan promosi sangat gencar, selain karena ia termasuk anak muda yang memiliki cukup banyak relasi meski pun usianya masih sangat muda. Jadi sangat mudah baginya untuk mengundang sahabat, kerabat dan relasinya untuk sekadar mencicipi warung makan miliknya.Entah kenapa, selang tiga bulan kemudian satu persatu pelanggan meninggalkannya. Tak banyak lagi yang makan di warungnya, sehingga dalam waktu tak berapa lama ia terpaksa menutup usahanya dan gulung tikar.

Ia pun berganti usaha yang lain dengan sisa modal yang ada.Usaha barunya, tak jauh berbeda dengan sebelumnya. Masih seputar makanan. Kali ini ia membuka usaha catering yang melayani makan untuk kantor-kantor di kota tinggalnya. Alhamdulillah ia dipercaya seorang rekannya yang bekerja di sebuah perusahaan untuk memasukkan catering untuk makan siang beberapa karyawan. Untuk sebuah awalan, catering untuk sekitar 20 karyawan dianggapnya bagus. “Mulanya 20, insya Allah menjadi 200, 2000 dan seterusnya…” semangat Hardi berapi-api.Alih-alih bertambah pelanggan, rupanya Allah berkehendak lain. Yang 20 pun menyetop langganan catering kepada Hardi, sementara selama satu bulan penuh itu ia belum mendapatkan pelanggan baru. Akhirnya, ia pun kembali mengalami kebangkrutan. Demikian seterusnya hingga lebih sepuluh tahun kemudian ia berganti jenis usaha selalu menemui kegagalan.Pada satu kesempatan ia mengadukan perihal kegagalan demi kegagalan usahanya kepaada guru mengajinya. Ia menceritakan secara detil semua jenis usaha yang pernah dicobanya dan bagaimana sampai akhirnya semua usahanya gagal. “Saya harus usaha apalagi guru, saya sudah kehabisan modal. Bahkan saat ini saya memiliki hutang yang tidak sedikit…” keluhnya.Guru tersebut tak lantas memberikan jawaban dengan menyebut satu bentuk usaha baru yang patut dicoba Hardi, melainkan meminta Hardi mengingat-ingat sesuatu di masa lalu. “Coba ingat, pernah punya hutang atau tidak di masa lalu? Atau pernah punya sangkutan berkenaan dengan rezeki orang lain atau tidak di masa lalu…?” tanya sang guru.Dahi Hardi mengerenyit, mencoba mengingat-ingat masa lampaunya. Rasa-rasanya ia tak pernah punya hutang kepada siapa pun, justru sebaliknya ia malah mengingat kembali daftar nama-nama yang pernah berhutang kepadanya. “Coba lebih keras mengingat, mungkin nilainya kecil, tapi boleh jadi itu yang menjadi penyumbat rezekimu…”“Astaghfirullah…. “ Hardi teringat sesuatu. Ia pun segera menyalami sang guru dan mohon pamit seraya berucap terima kasih.

Pria itu segera memacu kencang kendaraannya menuju suatu tempat. Dalam hati ia berharap cemas, “Semoga masih ada warung itu…”Tidak kurang dari tiga belas jam waktu yang ditempuh Hardi menuju Semarang, mencari satu tempat yang pernah ia singgahi hampir dua belas tahun yang lalu. Tiba di tempat yang dituju, ia tidak menemukan lagi warung mie ayam tempatnya makan dahulu. Kemudian ia mencoba bertanya kepada orang-orang di sekitar perihal tukang mie yang pernah berjualan di situ.“Ya, tukang mie itu bapak saya. Sekarang sudah tidak berjualan lagi. Sekarang bapak sedang sakit parah…” seorang anak menceritakan ciri-ciri fisik penjual mie ayam itu, dan Hardi yakin sekali itu orang yang dicarinya. Tanpa pikir panjang, ia minta diantarkan ke rumah penjual mie untuk bertemu langsung.Ketika melihat kondisi penjual mie, Hardi menitikkan air mata. Ia langsung meminta beberapa anggota keluarga membopong penjual mie itu ke mobilnya dan segera membawanya ke rumah sakit. Alhamdulillah, jika tidak segera dibawa ke rumah sakit, mungkin penjual mie itu tidak akan tertolong.

Seluruh biaya rumah sakit tercatat mencapai lima belas juta rupiah, dan semuanya ditanggung oleh Hardi.Beberapa hari kemudian, setelah kembali ke rumah, bapak penjual mie itu mengucapkan terima kasih kepada Hardi. “Bapak tidak tahu harus bagaimana mengembalikan uang biaya berobat itu kepada nak Hardi. Usaha dagang bapak sedang susah…” Hardi berkali-kali mencium tangan Pak Atmo, penjual mie itu. Matanya tak henti menitikkan air mata, ia sedang berusaha menyatakan sesuatu, namun bibirnya terasa sangat berat.Akhirnya, “… semua sudah terbayar lunas pak. Saya hanya minta bapak mengikhlaskan semangkuk mie ayam yang pernah saya makan tanpa membayar dua belas tahun silam”, Hardi terus menangis berharap keikhlasan itu didapatnya. Saat itu, sehabis makan ia langsung kabur memacu sepeda motornya dan tak membayar semangkuk mie seharga 1.500 rupiah.Pak Atmo memeluk erat tubuh Hardi dan mengusap-usap kepala pria muda itu seraya berucap, “Allah Maha Pemaaf, begitu pun semestinya kita…”.***Perlancar dulu rezeki orang lain, agar tidak menyumbat rezeki kita.Wallaahu ‘a’lam bishshowaab (Dari artikel Bayu Gawtama). [undzurilaina]

Thursday, October 25, 2007

Saudi Secret Nuclear Project

(Sumber: Press TV)

Sebuah website menyatakan bahwa Kerajaan Saudi Arabia sedang mengembangkan program nuklir rahasia dengan bantuan sejumlah ilmuwan Pakistan.

Sawt Al-Salam melaporkan sebuah tim yang terdiri dari ilmuwan nuklir Pakistan yang memasuki Saudi Arabia pada upacara Haji dalam kurun 2003-2005 telah dipindahkan dari Mekkah ke Riyadh dan Jeddah untuk berpartisipasi dan membuat perencanaan yang ekstensif berkenaan dengan program nuklir Saudi.

Berdasarkan Kantor Berita Fars, website berita tersebut mengutip seorang pejabat keamanan Jerman yang mengatakan, “Saudi Arabia telah memulai program nuklirnya pada tahun 1990an, dan terutama setelah Pakistan bergabung dengan ‘klub nuklir’ pada 1998”.

Selain itu juga dikutip pernyataan John Pike, analis militer AS, yang mengatakan bahwa Saudi Arabia telah membeli peralatan-peralatan canggih yang digunakan dalam program nuklir dari Pakistan dan membayar keseluruhan biaya yang dibutuhkannya.

Website tersebut juga melaporkan bahwa sejumlah oposan Saudi yang berbasis di London dan Washington juga mengkonfirmasi berita ini. “The Saudi government had gathered a great number of Iraqi nuclear scientists in southern Riyadh and built for them special residential complexes to conduct nuclear studies there.

Ilmuwan-ilmuwan Iraq menasehati Saudi Arabia untuk tidak membeberkan program nuklirnya ini walaupun kepada sekutu utamanya nya, USA.

Website tersebut juga melaporkan bahwa mereka juga menyarankan pihak kerajaan untuk membangun laboratorium nuklirnya di bawah penjara yang baru dibangun.

Masih dari website tersebut, dilaporkan bahwa Saudi Arabia menggelontorkan sejumlah sangat besar dana dalam pembangunan penjara-penjara baru sebagai salah satu indikasi bukti kebenaran klaim di atas. Dilaporkan bahwa Riyadh telah mengeluarkan USD1.6 billion untuk proyek tersebut. Penjara seperti apa yang memakan dana sebesar itu? [undzurilaina]

Wednesday, October 10, 2007

Reaksi Dunia Bila Titanic Tenggelam Saat Ini

Presiden Bush – Amerika Serikat: "Sebuah kapal yang sedang berlayar menuju kepada kebebasan telah diserang oleh teroris. Kita tidak akan duduk diam. Kita akan memberi pelajaran kepada mereka! Bin Laden, anda dapat berlari tapi anda tak akan dapat sembunyi! Kami akan menemukanmu dan menghancurkan jaringan AL Qaedamu!"


PM Tony Blair – Inggris: "Saya telah berbicara dengan Presiden Bush, dan kami berdua telah sepakat bahwa tenggelamnya kapal Titanic adalah bukti-bukti tak terbantahkan bahwa pengikut pengikut Saddam Hussein ada dibelakang serangan itu. Irak, nyata-nyata telah menjadi ancaman bagi dunia dan kita harus menyelesaikannya. "


PM John Howard – Australia: "Kami mendapatkan bukti bahwa di dalam kapal tersebut terdapat penumpang bernama Ahmad dan Abu Umar. Ini menunjukkan bahwa JI bertanggungjawab atas tenggelamnya kapal itu. Kami meminta Pemerintah Indonesia bertindak lebih tegas kepada aktivis-aktivis JI, atau kami sendiri yang akan menindak mereka!"


PM Ehud Olmert - Israel: "Ini merupakan pekerjaan Hamas! Telah cukup bukti bahwa tenggelamnya Titanic bukanlah kecelakaan, namun merupakan serangan bunuh diri Hamas. Kami akan memblokade Palestina!, menahan mereka!, membuang mereka!
membunuh mereka!, membuat mereka kelaparan, menghancurkan rumah-rumah mereka dan kamp-kamp pengungsi mereka!"


PM Vajpayee – India: "Telah ditemukan paspor Pakistan dalam sisa-sisa Titanic. Jelas bahwa Pakistan harus membayar aksi teror tersebut dan kita telah mengirimkan lebih banyak lagi tentara ke perbatasan."


PM Surayud Chulanont – Thailand: "Kapal itu sebelumnya milik keluarga Thaksin Shinawatra yang kemudian dijual ke perusahaan Singapore. Kita akan mengambil kembali kapal itu untuk rakyat Thailand."


Presiden Castro – Cuba: "Titanic adalah lambang kapitalisme. Tenggelamnya Titanic memperlihatkan kepada dunia bahwa kapitalisme mulai hancur dan tenggelam. Cuba akan terus setia kepada cita-cita sosialisme dan akan berjaya bersamanya!"


Anggota DPR - Indonesia: "Titanic? Apaan sih itu? Oh Ya, Titanic.. kita sedang mengajukan RUU tentang Pemberantasan Titanic. Untuk itu kami akan mengadakan studi banding ke Hawaii. Mohon masyarakat dapat memahami pentingnya RUU ini sehingga pembahasannya memerlukan konsentrasi yang tinggi. Untuk itu kami akan membahasnya di Bali. Agar kami dapat bekerja lebih baik, kami akan membawa serta istri-istri, anak, cucu, mertua, keponakan, mantu dll-dll. Tentu dengan biaya negara. Harap maklum, gaji kami sebagai anggota DPR hanya 30 juta. Kami meminta pemerintah untuk menaikkan tunjangan rapat 400% atau kami akan mengajukan interpelasi masalah Titanic."

Yang sebenarnya terjadi: Juru Radio Titanic: "SOS..SOS.. Mohon bantuan … kapal kami menabrak gunung es …".[undzurilaina]

Mengenang Sanggahan Hamka

(Sumber Tempo Edisi. 34/XXXVI/15 - 21 Oktober 2007 Rubrik Iqra)

Mengenang Sanggahan Hamka

Hamka pernah menjadi sahabat Parlindungan. Namun,
suatu ketika, mereka berselisih tentang Tuanku Rao.
Hamka menuliskan pendapatnya dalam Antara Fakta dan
Khayal Tuanku Rao.

Di tahanan, Buya Hamka banyak membaca dan menulis.
Waktu itu, tahun 1964, Hamka berada di rumah tahanan
kepolisian Mega Mendung. Sebagai salah satu
fungsionaris Partai Masyumi, oleh rezim Soekarno ia
dianggap anti-Nasakom. Kemudian ia dipindahkan ke
Rumah Sakit Persahabatan, Rawamangun, Jakarta, karena
sakit—selama 17 bulan, sampai 1966, Hamka menghasilkan
karya monumentalnya, Tafsir Al-Azhar.

Salah seorang muridnya, Sofjan Tanjung, mengirimi
ulama itu buku tebal berjudul Tuanku Rao, dua
eksemplar—kiriman yang diiringi permintaan agar Hamka
memberikan komentar serta kritik atas buku tersebut.

Dan ketika Hamka keluar dari tahanan, ia berkenalan
dengan Parlindungan. Mereka bersahabat. Parlindungan
biasa menjemput Hamka ke rumahnya sebelum salat Jumat.
Parlindungan selalu mengenakan kopiah sampir buatan
Gorontalo, bersarung, dan bertongkat kecil.

Hamka mulanya mengagumi buku Tuanku Rao. Polemik
terjadi saat Hamka mulai meragukan isi Tuanku Rao.
Salah satu peristiwa penting dalam polemik mereka
terjadi dalam seminar di Padang pada Juli 1969. Baik
Hamka maupun Parlindungan hadir sebagai pembicara.
Pada acara tersebut, Hamka mempertanyakan informasi
Parlindungan mengenai Haji Piobang, pendiri Padri yang
disebut Parlindungan pernah menjadi salah satu kolonel
tentara Turki di bawah pimpinan Jenderal Muhammad Ali
Pasya. "Sampai seminar habis, Parlindungan tidak dapat
memberi jawaban tegas," tulis Hamka.

Hamka meluncurkan kritik-kritik cukup pedas menanggapi
Tuanku Rao. Kritik ini ia tulis dalam beberapa artikel
yang dimuat di harian Haluan, Padang, 1969-1970. Ia
menyebut Parlindungan bodoh. Parlindungan menganggap
Hamka childish dan kampungan.

Sebuah buku khusus pun diluncurkan oleh Hamka bertajuk
Antara Fakta dan Khayal Tuanku Rao. Dalam buku setebal
364 halaman yang diterbitkan oleh Penerbit Bulan
Bintang pada 1974 itu, Hamka menuding isi Tuanku Rao
80 persen bohong, sedangkan sisanya diragukan
kebenarannya. Pasalnya, setiap kali Hamka menanyakan
data dan fakta buku itu, Parlindungan selalu menjawab,
"Sudah dibakar."

Selain itu, Hamka mempertanyakan kebenaran berbagai
isu yang dilontarkan Parlindungan. Isu yang cukup
sensitif adalah pernyataan bahwa selama 300 tahun
daerah Minangkabau menganut mazhab Syiah Qaramithah.
Hal ini menurut Hamka dusta belaka.

Hamka juga menolak menanggapi isu tentang adanya
pemerkosaan massal dan orgy tawanan perempuan oleh
sebagian pasukan Padri. Cerita tentang bagaimana
anggota Padri melampiaskan nafsu syahwatnya secara
terbuka terhadap tawanan-tawanan cantik dituding Hamka
sebagai khayalan Parlindungan belaka. Hamka juga
menuduh cerita-cerita seks itu sengaja dipasang
Parlindungan untuk menarik hati para pemuda ketimbang
mencari data ilmiah.

Hamka membandingkan kisah Parlindungan—

tentang
pembunuhan keluarga Kerajaan Pagaruyung yang disertai
pemerkosaan para putri kerajaan dalam Tuanku
Rao—dengan data sumber Belanda. Versi Belanda, menurut
Hamka, menuliskan pembunuhan oleh Tuanku Lintau
terhadap keluarga kerajaan pada 1804. "Tapi tidak ada
disebut-sebut seorang Mandailing bernama Idris
Nasution dan pasukannya yang menawan puluhan gadis,
lalu memperkosa di hadapan umum, di udara terbuka,"
tulis Hamka.

"Cerita tentang Tuanku Lelo mengumbar nafsu syahwatnya
itu bumbu cerita porno yang dibuat Parlindungan yang
tidak kalah dengan cerita-cerita film cowboy tahun
1972," demikian Hamka mengejek Parlindungan. Di mata
Hamka, Tuanku Lelo yang menurut Parlindungan bernama
asli Idris Nasution itu tokoh karangan Parlindungan
belaka.

Toh, meski tak mengupas secara spesifik soal kekerasan
kaum Padri terhadap masyarakat Mandailing, khususnya
perempuan, Hamka mengutip keterangan Faqih Shagir dari
Hikayat Syaikh Jalaluddin, yang juga banyak berkisah
mengenai kaum Padri:

"…. Adapun yang jahat daripada Padri yaitu membunuh
segala ulama-ulama dan membunuh orang yang cerdik
cendekia, mengambil perempuan yang bersuami,
menikahkan perempuan yang tidak sekufu dengan tidak
ridhanya, bepergundik tawanan dan menghinakan orang
yang mulia-mulia dan mengatakan kafir orang yang
beriman…."

Sita Planasari Aquadini

Dari Catatan Harian Bonjol

(Sumber: Tempo Edisi. 34/XXXVI/15 - 21 Oktober 2007 Rubrik Iqra)
Dari Catatan Harian Bonjol

Imam Bonjol meninggalkan sejumlah catatan hidupnya
saat diasingkan. Ada catatan tentang jalannya
pertempuran dan negosiasi dengan Belanda. Tak ada
tentang kebrutalan.

"Ini ada surat kumpeni menyuruh saya datang kepada
kumpeni sekarang. Bagaimana kiranya segala datuk-datuk
atau baik saya pai (pergi—Red.) atau tidak?"

Imam Bonjol wafat di Manado. Selama di Manado, ia
ternyata menulis semacam otobiografi dalam huruf Arab
Melayu. Oleh anaknya, Naali Sutan Chaniago dan Haji
Muhammad Amin, yang ikut dibuang ke Manado, naskah itu
diselamatkan.

Dalam catatan itu, kita temukan kesaksian Imam Bonjol
menyerang daerah-daerah yang belum menjalankan
syariah, juga kisah bagaimana ia mengirim Tuanku
Tambusai ke Mekkah, yang kemudian membuat Tambusai
bergelar Haji Muhammad Saleh.

Atau bagaimana di sebuah salat Jumat, ia menyerukan
hukum adat basandi syarak. Ia melukiskan dengan agak
rinci betapa ganasnya perang mempertahankan benteng
Bonjol. Tapi bagian paling panjang adalah pengakuannya
bernegosiasi dengan Belanda.

Diceritakan, utusan Belanda, Kroner (Kolonel) Elout,
memintanya menyerah. Ia menolak, lalu terjadi
pertempuran sengit. Dikisahkannya ia memasang meriam
sendiri untuk menggempur Belanda. Tapi benteng Bonjol
jatuh, dan utusan datang lagi. Di Padang, ia bertemu
dengan Residen Francis.

Resident Francis: Dulu saya minta Tuanku, Tuanku tidak
mau datang bertemu kami….

Tuanku Imam Bonjol: Tempo tuan kirim surat yang dahulu
tuan minta saya. Saya kasih lihat surat itu kepada
raja-raja dan penghulu. Hampir saya dibunuh orang
tempo itu dan dicabik-cabiknyo dek surat itu. Surat
kemudian tidak kasih lihat pada penghulu. Maka itulah
sekarang mencari tuan….

Imam Bonjol akhirnya mau dibawa kapal ke Betawi,
Surabaya, Buton, Ambon, sampai Manado. Di sanalah, di
Lotak Pineleng, ia tinggal sampai wafatnya. Keberadaan
naskah Tuanku Imam Bonjol pertama kali dilaporkan oleh
Ph.S. van Ronkel dalam artikel Inlandsche
getuigenissen aangaande de Padri-oorlog (Kesaksian
Pribumi mengenai Perang Padri) dalam jurnal De
Indische Gids, 1915.

Ronkel menyebutkan bahwa dia telah menyalin satu
naskah berjudul Tambo Anak Tuanku Imam Bonjol setebal
318 halaman. Pada 2004, Sjafnir Aboe Nain dari Pusat
Pengkajian Islam dan Minangkabau, Padang, menerbitkan
transliterasi naskah Tuanku Imam Bonjol.

Kata pengantar yang ditulis Sjafnir menyebutkan bahwa
salinan Ronkel itu sesungguhnya gabungan antara
catatan Imam Bonjol yang berjumlah 191 halaman dan
catatan anaknya, Naali dan Amin. Naskah itu sendiri,
menurut dia, dikenal dengan nama Tambo Naali Sulthan
Chaniago.

Transliterasi dilakukan Sjafnir ke dalam bahasa
Minang-Melayu, membuat naskah ini agak sulit dipahami
dalam waktu singkat. "Saya butuh waktu lama untuk
memahami naskah ini," kata peneliti sejarah Tapanuli
Selatan, Basyral Hamidy Harahap.

Tak ada bagian dari naskah ini yang menampilkan sikap
Imam Bonjol akan kekerasan yang dilakukan Padri. "Tapi
saya yakin Imam Bonjol mengetahui kekejaman kaum
Padri, baik penculikan maupun pemerkosaan. Tapi ia
diam saja," kata Basyral.

Ia merujuk, ada halaman yang menampilkan masalah
penculikan dan jual-beli perempuan ternyata
dibicarakan secara terbuka dalam suatu pertemuan yang
dihadiri tokoh-tokoh umat, yakni Sultan Chaniago, Nan
Pahit, Datuk Kayo, Datuk Limo Koto, Rajo Minang,
Punjuak Batuah, dan Pado Alim.

"Pailah (pergilah—Red.

) ke rumah Malin Kecil, basua
(bertemu) perempuan. Ditanyalah dek (oleh) Datuk Limo
Koto perempuan itu. 'Siapo nan manangkap di lading
Batang Silasung?' kata Datuk Limo Koto. Alah
(kemudian) menjawab perempuan, 'Nan manangkap saya
dicari (si Cari) orang Durian Tinggi. Dijualnya dek si
Cari itu saya kepada Rajo Manang. Dek Rajo Manang
dijual pula ke Bamban.'"

Sejarawan dari Universitas Andalas, Padang, Dr Gusti
Asnan, melihat, untuk sebuah catatan harian, Tuanku
Imam Bonjol sangat tidak mungkin menuliskan
fakta-fakta kebrutalan Padri. "Bila dibandingkan
dengan sumber sejarah Belanda, Tuanku Imam Bonjol
tidak memasukkan peristiwa pembakaran, perampokan,
serta penculikan dan pemerkosaan perempuan. Tapi saya
pikir dia tahu mengenai kejadian itu," ungkap Gusti.

Baik Basyral maupun Gusti melihat proses negosiasi
Tuanku yang diwakili anaknya, Sutan Chaniago, dengan
pemimpin Belanda sama sekali tidak menunjukkan
ketegangan. Mengherankan, Imam Bonjol yang dikenal
sebagai sosok penentang Belanda yang gigih kemudian
seperti melemah. Bahkan Gusti melihat keakraban Tuanku
dengan Residen Elout dan Residen Francis aneh.

"Sekarang Tuanku pergi ke negri Menado, karena negri
Menado baik, tempat baik, makanan murah…."

"Sebagai seorang pahlawan nasional, apa iya Tuanku
tidak merasa curiga terhadap niat Belanda?" tanya
Gusti.

Sita Planasari Aquadini, Seno Joko Suyono

Tambusai dan Pasukan Putih-putih (lanjutan kontroversi Padri)

(Dari Tempo Edisi. 34/XXXVI/15 - 21 Oktober 2007 RubrikIqra)

Tambusai dan Pasukan Putih-putih


Seorang pustakawan mendapatkan data-data Belanda yang
melaporkan kekejaman Tuanku Tambusai di daerah Padang
Lawas.

Ro Bonjol… Ro Bonjol (Bonjol datang… Bonjol datang).

Basyral Hamidy Harahap, 67 tahun, peneliti sejarah
Mandailing, masih ingat cerita-cerita lisan
turun-temurun di kampungnya di Simanabun, Padang
Lawas. Kisah tentang bagaimana takutnya penduduk
ketika pasukan Padri pimpinan Tuanku Tambusai datang
menyerbu. Masyarakat Simanabun memukul kentungan
sembari berteriak, "Bonjol datang, Bonjol datang."
Lalu mereka naik perbukitan Dolok menyelamatkan diri.

Basyral Hamidy Harahap adalah turunan dari Raja Datu
Bange yang bermarga Babiat di Simanabun, Distrik
Dolok. Datu Bange adalah raja yang paling gigih
melawan Padri di kawasan Padang Lawas. Basyral
mewarisi banyak kisah lisan dari marga Babiat mengenai
perjuangan Datu Bange.

Pada 1836, kawasan Padang Lawas dianggap sebagai
daerah paling biddah oleh serdadu Padri. "Mereka
datang pakai kuda, mengenakan kostum dan serban
putih-putih,

" katanya. Dari data dokumen lokal, ia
mengetahui bagaimana Datu Bange habis-habisan
mempertahankan Padang Lawas.

Sewaktu pertama kali menyerang, Tambusai dapat dipukul
mundur. Raja Portibi, Kadhi Sulaiman, pengikut setia
Tuanku Tambusai, tewas dalam perang ini. Tambusai
balik ke Mandailing. Dan dalam perjalanannya,
pasukannya membabi-buta menangkapi anak gadis dan
perempuan dewasa di lembah timur Bukit Barisan. "Para
perempuan itu ditukar dengan mesiu," kata Basyral.

Untuk mengamankan diri, Datu Bange bersama keluarga
dan pasukan intinya mengungsi. Mereka memanjat tebing
menuju ke puncak perbukitan Dolok. Bukit itu sendiri
begitu licin, hampir tegak lurus, dan sesungguhnya
sukar didaki. Datu Bange mengetahui jalan aman untuk
ke puncak bukit. Selama setahun Datu Bange berada di
atas bukit.

Setahun kemudian, Tambusai menyerang Datu Bange lagi.
Datu Bange tetap bertahan di atas bukit. Celakanya,
adik kandung Datu Bange, Ja Sobob, berkhianat
menunjukkan jalan menuju ke puncak Dolok,
memberitahukan persembunyian abangnya. Segera Tuanku
Tambusai merangsek, menyerbu ke atas bukit. Datu Bange
lolos—ia terluka—dan bersama pasukannya lari melewati
pegunungan Bukit Barisan.

"Datu Bange meninggal dengan infeksi pada
luka-lukanya," kata Basyral. Sesungguhnya, menurut
Basyral, Datu Bange mau menyerah, tapi dengan syarat
Tuanku Tambusai membiarkan pengikut Datu Bange
selamat. Kenyataannya, pasukan Tambusai kemudian
memutilasi ratusan penduduk Padang Lawas.

Sebagai Ketua Jurusan Perpustakaan Universitas
Indonesia 1965-1967 dan pensiunan pustakawan
Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde
(KITLV), Basyral tidak menerima mentah-mentah cerita
khazanah lokal kampungnya itu. Ketika beberapa kali
mendapat kesempatan ke Belanda, ia mencari-cari
dokumen yang berkenaan dengan serbuan Padri ke Padang
Lawas. Dan ia menemukan data dari pihak Belanda yang
membenarkan semua kisah tentang pembantaian yang
dilakukan Tuanku Tambusai.

Data itu ia dapat dari catatan-catatan J.B. Neumann,
Jughuhn, Ypes, Schnitger, dan terutama T.J. Willer.
Willerlah yang banyak mencatat brutalisme gerakan
Padri di daerah Padang Lawas. Dua bukunya menjadi
referensi utama Basyral. Siapakah T.J. Willer? Dalam
Almanak van Nederlandsch Indie, Willer disebut
menjabat Ketua Komite untuk Wilayah Padang Lawas,
Tambusai, Pane, dan daerah Bila pada 1838-1843.
Jabatan berikutnya adalah Asisten Residen Mandailing
Angkola yang berkedudukan di Panyabungan pada 1843.

Laporan T.J. Willer, misalnya, sampai memetakan luas
wilayah yang menjadi kekuasaan Datu Bange. Seluruh
kawasan Simanabun dalam catatan Willer saat itu dihuni
606 rumah tangga. Dalam buku Willer itu juga
ditampilkan silsilah Marga Babiat—mulai leluhur sampai
Datu Bange—sampai generasi XII. Dari situlah Basyral
tahu bahwa dirinya termasuk generasi cicit Datu Bange.

Willer, sebagaimana dikutip Basyral, menuliskan
demikian: "…. Padri yang dipimpin oleh Tambusai
membakar kampung demi kampung…. Mereka memaksakan
ajaran Islam (Wahabi) di mana-mana. Jika penduduk
tidak serta-merta mau masuk Islam akan segera
dibunuh…."

Sebagaimana Tuanku Imam Bonjol, Tuanku Tambusai di
zaman Orde Baru diangkat sebagai pahlawan negara.
"Mengapa ia dianggap pahlawan?" tanya Basyral. Menurut
Basyral, dia sama sekali tidak punya dendam dengan
tragedi yang menimpa pendahulunya itu. Tapi sebuah
revisi sejarah harus digelar.

Berdasarkan catatan panitia yang mengusulkan gelar
pahlawan nasional untuk Tuanku Tambusai, Datu Bange
dianggap sebagai perampok yang sering membuat
kekacauan. Tuanku Tambusai ingin mengakhiri perlawanan
kelompok parbegu yang dipimpin Datu Bange, sehingga
serangan pun dilakukan sampai dua kali.

"Itu sama sekali tak benar. Datu Bange merupakan raja
paling karismatik di Padang Lawas. Sebelum kaum Padri
masuk pun, warganya telah memeluk Islam," ungkap
Basyral kesal. Masyarakat daerah Padang Lawas sebelum
kedatangan Tuanku Tambusai, menurut dia, sudah sekian
lama memeluk mazhab Syafii yang egaliter.

Di wilayah Padang Lawas memang banyak peninggalan
candi Hindu—Bhairawa. Sebagaimana halnya penganut
Islam di pedalaman, warga Simanabun masih
mempertahankan tradisi kultural. Tradisi ziarah kubur,
misalnya, waktu itu masih sehari-hari dilakoni
penduduk. Mereka memasang lampu, lalu membuat
cungkup-cungkup di kuburan. "Mereka masih berdoa
kepada Tuhan di kuburan."

Tapi gejala itu, menurut Basyral, ada di bagian mama
pun di Sumatera. Bahkan, dalam catatan Basyral, di
wilayah pesisir seperti pantai Natal, tradisi mistik
pun masih kuat. Dokumen perjanjian Bagindo Martia
Lelo, Raja Natal, dengan Moschel, penguasa VOC,
bertarikh 7 Maret 1760, misalnya, menyebutkan bahwa ia
bersumpah atas Al-Quran dan asap pedupaan.

Islam demikianlah, menurut gerakan Tuanku Tambusai,
yang menyeleweng dan perlu dimurnikan akidahnya.
"Upacara pemakaman yang menggunakan berbagai usungan
jenazah di Padang Lawas adalah salah satu hal yang
dibenci Tambusai," kata Basyral. Pasukan Putih-putih
Padri lalu melakukan pembersihan total.
"Cungkup-cungkup makam dipapras sedemikian. Juga
manusianya disembelih," kata Basyral—berdasarkan data
milik pemerintah Belanda yang dibacanya.

Seno Joko Suyono, Sita Planasari Aquadini

Kontroversi Kebrutalan Kaum Padri

(diambil dari Tempo Edisi. 34/XXXVI/15 - 21 Oktober 2007. Rubrik Iqra)

Kontroversi Kebrutalan Kaum Padri
Gerakan Padri selama ini diidentikkan dengan
kepahlawanan Imam Bonjol dan kelompoknya melawan
Belanda. Tapi belakangan sebuah buku lama yang
kontroversial dan me sisi gelap Padri,
Tuanku Rao, diterbitkan kembali. Lalu muncul buku baru
dengan judul Greget Tuanku Rao sebagai reaksi.

Kedua buku ini memperlihatkan bahwa gerakan Padri
sesungguhnya adalah gerakan Wahabi—gerakan pemurnian
Islam yang dilakukan secara keras terhadap Islam
kultural di Minang dan Batak. Dan itulah gerakan yang
membuat puluhan ribu nyawa jadi korban. Imam Bonjol
dianggap dengan sadar melakukan itu, sehingga ada usul
gelar pahlawan nasional dicabut darinya. Betulkah
demikian? Ikuti pembahasan Tempo.

… Petisi ini mendesak Pemerintah Indonesia untuk
membatalkan pengangkatan Tuanku Imam Bonjol sebagai
Pahlawan Perjuangan Kemerdekaan…. Imam Bonjol adalah
pimpinan Gerakan Wahabi Paderi…. Gerakan ini memiliki
aliran yang sama dengan Taliban dan Al Qaeda…. Invasi
Paderi ke Tanah Batak menewaskan jutaan orang….

Petisi online itu tersebar di banyak mailing list
seminggu lalu. Seorang anak muda, Mudy
Situmorang—lulusan Teknik Elektro Institut Teknologi
Sepuluh Nopember, kelahiran Simanindo, Pulau
Samosir—telah mengirimnya. Dalam petisi itu, ia
membeberkan dosa-dosa gerakan Padri, antara lain
pembantaian massal keluarga Kerajaan Minangkabau
Pagaruyung dan penyerbuan Padri ke Batak yang
menewaskan Sisingamangaraja X.

Ia mengatakan petisi itu atas nama pribadi, bukan
organisasi, dan semata-semata untuk pelurusan sejarah.
"Kita tunggu sampai 500 pendukung. Hasilnya dikirim ke
pemerintah," katanya saat dihubungi Tempo. Sampai
sekarang, petisi itu memang belum "berbunyi".

Namun petisi ini mengingatkan orang akan dua buah buku
bertema sama yang baru-baru ini terbit. Yang satu
adalah buku lama karya Mangaradja Onggang Parlindungan
berjudul Tuanku Rao. Buku itu pertama kali dicetak
penerbit Tanjung Pengharapan, 1964, dan diluncurkan
kembali oleh penerbit LKiS Yogya, Juni lalu, tanpa
suntingan apa pun, bahkan tetap dalam ejaan lama.

Itulah buku yang pada 1964 menghebohkan. Buku itu
tidak bercerita langsung tentang Imam Bonjol, tapi
berisi kronologi penyerangan komandan-komandan Padri.
Parlindungan sendiri menyusun buku itu berdasarkan
data sejarah Batak yang dimiliki ayahnya, Sutan Martua
Radja. Pada 1918, ayahnya adalah guru sejarah di
Normaalschool Pematangsiantar. Ayahnya memiliki
warisan dokumen sejarah Batak turun-temurun dari tiga
generasi sepanjang 1851-1955.

Di samping itu, Parlindungan memakai bahan-bahan milik
Residen Poortman. Posisi Poortman sama dengan Snouck
Hurgronje. Snouck adalah seorang ahli Aceh, yang
informasinya diminta oleh pemerintah Belanda.
Sedangkan Poortman adalah seorang ahli Batak. Poortman
pensiun pada 1930 dan kembali ke Belanda. Di Leiden,
Belanda, Poortman lalu menemukan laporan-laporan para
perwira Padri sepanjang 1816-1820 untuk Tuanku Imam
Bonjol. Parlindungan mengenal Poortman secara pribadi
dan pernah bertemu di Belanda. Poortman mengirimkan
bahan-bahan laporan itu saat Parlindungan menulis
bukunya.

Parlindungan bukan sejarawan profesional. Caranya
menulis pun serampangan. Data yang diramunya itu
sering ditampilkan cut and glue atau dinarasikan
kembali dengan bahasa campuran: bahasa Indonesia
lisan, kadang disisipi kalimat-kalimat Inggris yang
panjang. Di sana-sini, ia memberikan komentar yang
cara penulisannya seperti seorang ayah yang
menerangkan kisah kepada anaknya. Kata ganti yang
dipakai untuk dirinya adalah "Daddy". Sedangkan anak
laki-lakinya di situ disebut "Sonny Boy". Ketika
polemik menghangat, buku itu ditarik dari peredaran.
Buku itu pun jadi buku langka. Di sebuah pameran buku
di Jakarta, buku itu beberapa tahun lalu bahkan sempat
dihargai Rp 1,5 juta.

Buku kedua, Greget Tuanku Rao, ditulis Basyral Hamidy
Harahap, terbit September lalu. Basyral adalah Ketua
Jurusan Perpustakaan Universitas Indonesia 1965-1967
dan pensiunan pustakawan Koninklijk Instituut voor
Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (KITLV). Ia ingin
mengoreksi beberapa info tentang Tuanku Rao yang
dianggapnya kurang tepat. Tapi, pada garis besarnya,
ia sepakat dan bahkan menambahkan data kekerasan yang
dilakukan Padri. "Buku Parlindungan banyak salahnya,
tapi buku itu ada di jalan yang benar."

l l l

Siapakah Parlindungan? Tak banyak yang tahu sosok
pengarang ini. Basyral sendiri pada 1974 pernah
bertemu dengannya di dekat rumah Hamka di Jakarta. Ia
langsung menanyakan kabar polemik antara Parlindungan
dan Buya Hamka. Agaknya Parlindungan tak suka. "Saat
itu ia langsung mengarahkan tongkatnya yang berkepala
gading ke arah dahi saya. Saya kaget, mengelak,"
kenang Basyral.

Hal ini sedikit terkuak ketika anaknya, Dorpi
Parlindungan Siregar, kini 59 tahun, mau bercerita
kepada Tempo—dialah anak yang dipanggil Sonny Boy
dalam bukunya.

"Ayah saya seorang perwira KNIL. Perjalanan karier
ayah saya dimulai ketika pada 1 Oktober 1945, Jenderal
Mayor Oerip Soemohardjo mendirikan Tentara Keamanan
Rakyat (TKR). Beliau mengumpulkan 17 anak muda di
Yogyakarta, di antaranya Soeharto, Ibnu Sutowo, dan
ayah saya."

Pada usia 27 tahun, menurut Dorpi, ayahnya memperoleh
pangkat letnan kolonel. Sebagai insinyur kimia lulusan
Jerman dan Belanda, ayahnya menjadi bawahan dr Willer
Hutagalung, dulu dokter pribadi Jenderal Soedirman.
Mereka kemudian mengambil bekas pabrik mesiu dan
peralatan senjata Belanda, yang lalu menjadi Pindad.

Pada 1960, ayahnya ditahan rezim Soekarno karena
dianggap pro-Masyumi. Tempat tahanan ayahnya
berpindah-pindah, dan akhirnya menjalani tahanan
rumah. Di sanalah, dengan data milik kakeknya dan
Residen Poortman, ayahnya menulis buku Tuanku Rao.

Dan yang mengejutkan, bagian terbesar halaman buku
ayahnya menceritakan kisah kejahatan algojo Padri
bernama Tuanku Lelo, sosok yang tak lain menurut
Parlindungan adalah kakek dari kakeknya sendiri. "Jadi
ia seperti menceritakan aib keluarga sendiri. Tak
banyak penulis yang berani seperti itu," kata Ahmad
Fikri dari LKiS. Buku itu awalnya, menurut Dorpi,
tidak diperuntukkan bagi umum, tapi bagi anak-anaknya
saja. "Sehabis membaca Al-Quran setiap hari, Ayah
membacakan cerita ini untuk saya dan adik," kenang
Dorpi akan ayahnya yang meninggal pada 1975 itu. Atas
desakan teman-temannya, buku itu akhirnya diterbitkan.

Buku itu intinya berisi informasi bagaimana gerakan
Wahabi masuk Minang. Waktu itu, tahun 1803, Haji
Piobang, Haji Sumanik, dan Haji Miskin kembali ke
Minang setelah bermukim di Mekkah lebih dari 12 tahun.
Mereka adalah bekas perwira tentara Turki. Mereka
mencoba menanamkan mazhab Hambali di Sumatera,
menekankan pemurnian Islam.

Gerakan pembersihan agama Islam ini menarik hati
seorang mubalig besar bernama Tuanku Nan Rentjeh, yang
tengah gundah lantaran di Minang berkembang Islam
Syiah. Mereka bersama-sama kemudian mencita-citakan
suatu Darul Islam. Piobang membentuk pasukan Padri
yang sangat profesional. Pakaian mereka serba putih.
Persenjataannya cukup kuat. Mereka, misalnya, menurut
Parlindungan, memiliki meriam 88 milimeter bekas milik
tentara Napoleon yang dibeli "second hand" di Penang.
Dua belas perwira Padri dikirim belajar di Turki.
Tuanku Rao, yang aslinya seorang Batak bernama
Pongkinangolngolan Sinambela, dikirim untuk belajar
taktik kavaleri; Tuanku Tambusai, aslinya bernama
Hamonangan Harahap, belajar soal perbentengan. Pasukan
Padri juga memiliki pendidikan kemiliteran di
Batusangkar.

Sasaran pertama "gerakan kaum putih" ini adalah Istana
Pagaruyung, karena istana itu dianggap sebagai boneka
Belanda yang merintangi Darul Islam. Pada 1804, ribuan
rumah dibakar dan keluarga Istana Pagaruyung dibantai.
Untuk cita-cita Darul Islam, pasukan Padri ingin
meluaskan agresinya ke luar alam Minangkabau—ke tanah
Batak.

Salah satu tamatan pendidikan militer Batusangkar,
bernama Peto Syarif Ibnu Pandito Bayanuddin, oleh
Tuanku Nan Rentjeh diperintah mencari lokasi yang
bakal digunakan sebagai benteng—basis tentara Padri
menyerang Tanah Batak. Peto menemukan bekas sarang
perampok di rute Minangkabau-Batak bernama Bonjol. Ia
mengislamkan kawasan Bonjol, membangun benteng di
sana, serta melatih kekuatan 10 ribu tentara. Sejak
itu, ia dijuluki Imam Bonjol.

Buku Tuanku Rao ini menjelaskan cukup detail bagaimana
persiapan dan kronologi invasi Padri ke Batak Selatan
(1816) dan Toba (1818- 1820). Dari etape-etape dan
serangan kilat (blitzkrieg), siasat-siasat, sampai
notula rapat-rapat para panglima dideskripsikan.
Pendiri Padri, Haji Piobang dan Tuanku Imam Bonjol,
mengkoordinasi penyebaran pasukan di bawah pimpinan
Tuanku Rao, Tuanku Tambusai, Tuanku Lelo, Tuanku
Asahan, Tuanku Maga, dan Tuanku Kotapinang.

Toba dikepung dari empat penjuru. Tuanku Asahan dengan
kavaleri berkekuatan 11 ribu tentara menyerang dari
samping kanan; Kolonel Djagorga Harahap dengan
kekuatan 4.000 anggota pasukan dari sayap kiri; Tuanku
Maga menusuk dari sisi tengah atas dengan 5.000
anggota pasukan; Tuanku Lelo bersama 9.000 tentaranya
merangsek dari sisi tengah bawah. Pada 1820,
Sisingamangaraja X, yang bertahan di Benteng Bakkara,
akhirnya tewas. Kepala Sisingamangaraja X ditusuk di
atas tombak, dipancang di tanah.

Penyerbuan yang paling bengis dilakukan oleh Tuanku
Lelo. Parlindungan sendiri menganggap "eyangnya" itu
"kriminal perang". Tuanku Lelo bernama asli Idris
Nasution. Sosoknya besar, berjanggut hitam, berambut
panjang, berombak-ombak. Ia mengenakan baju jubah dan
serban yang seluruhnya putih serta suka memakai
selempang dan ikat pinggang berwarna merah bertaburan
emas—yang dirampasnya di Pagaruyung. Ia dikenal
sebagai algojo pembantai, juga maniak seks.

Parlindungan bahkan sampai menyebut eyangnya itu
seorang big scoundrel yang memiliki kelakuan binatang.
Di tiap kawasan, sang eyang mengumpulkan ratusan
wanita, lalu memerkosanya. Di Toba, 14 malam
berturut-berturut pasukannya dibiarkan melakukan pesta
seks besar-besaran.

Ketika pasukan bergerak meninggalkan Toba, Tuanku Lelo
memerintahkan ribuan wanita dikumpulkan di Red Light
District di Sigumpar Toba. Dari Sigumpar, mereka
digiring berjalan kaki melalui Siborong-borong,
Pangaribuan, Silantom, Simangambat, Sipirok, menuju
Natal Mandailing. Sesampai di Mandailing, hanya 300
wanita selamat; 900 mati. Yang capek dipenggal.

Kemudian Belanda memutuskan menyerang Padri.
Pertempuran pada 1820, menurut Parlindungan, meletus
di Benteng Air Bengis. Imam Bonjol turun sendiri.
Tuanku Rao tewas di situ. Nah, di pertempuran Air
Bengis ini, secara licik Tuanku Lelo melakukan
desersi. Melihat Imam Bonjol terdesak, ia lalu
memimpin kavalerinya sendiri menuju Angkola dan
Sipirok. Ia melanjutkan petualangannya, menjarah,
membunuh, melampiaskan nafsu seksualnya. Ia lalu
menjadi warlord di Angkola dan Sipirok selama
1822-1833. Ia di sana mendirikan sebuah harem di
bentengnya di Padang Sidempuan.

Buku Tuanku Rao hanya sedikit menyinggung peran Tuanku
Tambusai. Namun, menurut Basyral, Tuanku Tambusai tak
kalah kejam dibanding Tuanku Lelo. "Kebrutalan Tuanku
Tambusai terjadi di daerah Padang Lawas, Dolok, dan
Barumun. Salah satu kawasan yang paling parah terkena
adalah daerah nenek moyang saya, Simanabun," tutur
Basyral (lihat "Tambusai dan Pasukan Putih-putih").

l l l

Para sejarawan berbeda pendapat soal kebrutalan ini.
"Sebetulnya masuknya Padri ke Batak bukan ekspansi.
Kelompok-kelompok musuh Padri saat itu dapat dipukul
mundur hingga ke Tapanuli Selatan. Karena itu, mereka
bertempur sampai ke daerah tersebut," tutur Dr Mestika
Zed, sejarawan dari Universitas Negeri Padang.

"Sebagai sebuah buku sejarah, buku Parlindungan
sumbernya sangat lemah. Dokumen Poortman sendiri
diragukan. Banyak yang tidak faktual," kata Dr Asvi
Warman Adam dari Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia.
Hamka bahkan pernah menganggap Tuanku Lelo hanyalah
karangan Parlindungan belaka (lihat "Mengenang
Sanggahan Hamka"). Memang, sekarang mustahil untuk
mengecek semua sumber yang digunakan Parlindungan,
karena semua data itu dimusnahkan oleh Parlindungan
sendiri.

Dalam bukunya itu, Parlindungan menyebutkan data yang
diwariskan ayahnya kepadanya hanya meliputi 20 persen
dari yang dimiliki ayahnya. Ia menyaksikan sendiri,
pada 1941, ayahnya membakar sisanya sambil bercucuran
air mata di tepi Sungai Bah Bolon.

"Daddy tidak mau risiko," katanya kepada anaknya. "Our
family secrets yang ketahuan pada outsiders cukup yang
terbatas dalam buku ini. No more." "Saya menduga, itu
adalah alibi dia, yang sebenarnya tak cukup memiliki
data otentik, atau bisa juga ia tak mau sejarawan lain
menelitinya," kata J.J. Rizal dari Yayasan Bambu, yang
menerbitkan Greget Tuanku Rao.

Akan halnya Dr Gusti Asnan, pengajar Jurusan Sejarah
Fakultas Sastra Universitas Andalas, Padang,
menganggap tidak semua sumber Belanda yang digunakan
Parlindungan mengandung bias. Dari 100 laporan, ada
20-50 persen data yang benar. Menurut dia,
historiografi Perang Padri sendiri dimulai pada
1950-an. "Saat itu terjadi dekolonialisasi
historiografi Indonesia, termasuk Perang Padri. Demi
persatuan dan kesatuan, bagian-bagian miring dari data
yang ada, seperti kebrutalan Perang Padri, sengaja
tidak disiarkan."

Ia juga melihat gerakan pasukan Padri tak semata-mata
bermotif agama, tapi juga ekonomi. Sejak akhir abad
ke-18 hingga awal abad ke-19, perkembangan ekonomi di
Sumatera Barat memang luar biasa karena booming kopi.

Dr Gusti pernah membaca sebuah kisah tentang saudagar
bernama Peto Magik di Pasaman. Ia dikenal sebagai
saudagar Padri—bisa dianggap konglomerat. Seorang
Belanda bernama Bulhawer yang melakukan kerja sama
dengan Peto mengaku tidak melihat sedikit pun gambaran
islami padanya. "Kesan yang dilihat Bulhawer, Peto
Magik adalah seorang kapitalis. Dan gambaran ini saya
rasa juga menggambarkan sebagian besar kaum Padri,"
ujar Gusti.

Maka, menurut Gusti, ketika daerah kekuasaan di Tanah
Datar dan Agam mulai direbut Belanda, kaum Padri pun
meluaskan ekspansi ke utara: Bonjol, Pasaman, dan
Tapanuli Selatan. Mengapa ke utara? Karena daerah
utara memiliki basis kekayaan yang sangat tinggi.
Apalagi, dengan menguasai area tersebut, Padri masih
dapat melakukan hubungan dengan kaum lain, seperti
Aceh, melalui jalur sungai.

Sekalipun mengakui kekerasan yang dilakukan Padri,
sebagian orang memandang dari sudut berbeda. "Soalnya
saat itu kan tidak ada HAM," kata sejarawan Taufik
Abdullah.

Basyral sendiri melihat Imam Bonjol mengetahui segala
perampokan, pemerkosaan, dan mutilasi yang dilakukan
perwira-perwiranya. "Mustahil Imam Bonjol tak tahu. Ia
kan komandan," kata Basyral.

Tapi Taufik Abdullah tak sependapat. Menurut dia,
kekerasan di awal gerakan Padri bukan tanggung jawab
Tuanku Imam Bonjol. Saat gerakan Padri masih radikal
di awal, Tuanku Imam Bonjol masih muda dan baru
menjabat sebagai asisten Tuanku Bandaro, salah satu
pemimpin gerakan Padri saat itu.

"Buat saya, pencabutan gelar pahlawan itu nonsens.
Justru di bawah pimpinan Tuanku Imam Bonjol pasukan
Padri lebih menitikberatkan serangan pada pihak
Belanda," kata Taufik.

Menurut Taufik, keliru jika melihat sosok Imam Bonjol
dalam Padri disamakan dengan Diponegoro. "Diponegoro
merupakan pemimpin tunggal, sementara gerakan Padri
merupakan gerakan sosial kolektif, dengan banyak
pemimpin," katanya.

Taufik mengatakan, bahkan, Tuanku Imam Bonjol sempat
mengirim empat anak buahnya ke Mekkah untuk naik haji,
termasuk Tuanku Tambusai. Tujuannya untuk melihat
kondisi Islam di Mekkah. Ternyata Islam saat itu jauh
lebih moderat. Sehingga, ketika kembali ke Minang,
Tuanku Tambusai pun menjadi lebih moderat. Sekembali
dari Mekkah, seperti disebut dalam Tuanku Rao, ia pun
menyesal melihat dengan mata kepala sendiri bagaimana
wanita-wanita ditawan oleh pasukan Tuanku Lelo.

Menurut Taufik, adat basandi syarak justru mengemuka
di bawah kepemimpinan Tuanku Imam Bonjol. Imam Bonjol
wafat pada usia 93 tahun di Manado, pada 1864. Tak
banyak orang yang tahu, ia meninggalkan sebuah
"catatan harian" (lihat "Dari Catatan Harian Bonjol", berikutnya di undzurilaina).

Seno Joko Suyono, Sita Planasari

Monday, October 1, 2007

Matuk Tulga


“Bi, Abi..mau matuk tulga nak?”, tanya Akmal anak bungsuku yg masih pelat itu ke saya tiba-tiba sore kemarin. Setelah melewati “akmal decoder” yang ada di otakku, hasilnya menjadi: “Bi, Abi mau masuk surga nggak?”.

Kemudian aku jawab: “ya mau dong, sayang”.

Akmal melanjutkan lagi: ”di Surga itu ada banyak mainan ya?”

Aku: ”Iya...”

Belum sempat aku menjawab lebih lanjut, dia sudah melanjutkan lagi apa yang ada di benaknya tentang surga...

Akmal: ”ada banyak permen juga ya? Terus eskrim juga ya? Ada kebun binatang juga......” dst aku biarkan dia menjelaskan apa yg ada di benaknya tentang surga.

Setelah akmal selesai menyampaikan semua yang ada benaknya, aku bilang: ”Iya, betul sayang. Semua yang akmal mau, semuanya ada di surga..”. Aku terus balik bertanya: ”Akmal pengen nggak masuk surga nggak?”.

Dengan cekatan dia menjawab: ”Mauuuu....dong”.

”Hmmm, kalau mau akmal mesti punya kuncinya dulu..”, kataku memancing dia sedikit berfikir.

Tapi di luar dugaanku, dia kemudian malah berlari sambil memanggil istriku: ”Mamah, tolong ambilin kunci surga dong...Akmal mau masuk...”

Aku dan istriku yg baru keluar dari kamar karena dipanggil oleh anakku itu, langsung tersenyum menahan tawa. Istriku kemudian melanjutkan jawaban yang sudah kumulai tadi: ”Akmal, kalau mau masuk surga, kuncinya kita mesti disayang sama Allah. Akmal mau disayang Allah nggak?”.

”Mau...”, jawab akmal.

”Kalau mau disayang Allah, akmal mesti jadi orang yang baik. Rajin sholat, terus nggak nakal, nurut sama abi mamah, sayang sama kak fauzan.....”, terang istriku mencoba memberi penjelasan..

Akmal ndengerin penjelasan istriku dengan seksama, sambil kadang-kadang mengernyitkan dahinya. Dan lagi-lagi, tanggapan akmal diluar dugaan:

”Mah, akmal mau di rumah aja lah...”, jawab dia dengan tenang sambil loncat-loncat dan main nemenin (atau lebih tepatnya nggangguin) kakaknya yang lagi asyik main puzzle.

Barangkali karena kelihatannya kok berat banget kunci disayang Allah itu. Mungkin lain kesempatan, kami mesti memberi penjelasan yang lebih baik lagi. Walaupun aku sendiri juga masih belajar gimana caranya agar disayang Allah. Bantu kami, Ya Allah.[undzurilaina]

Thursday, September 27, 2007

Ahmadinejad: Columbia University Speech

AHMADINEJAD: In the name of God, the compassionate, the merciful...

AHMADINEJAD: Oh, God, hasten the arrival of Imam al-Mahdi and grant him good health and victory and make us his followers and those to attest to his rightfulness.

Distinguished Dean, dear professors and students, ladies and gentlemen, at the outset I would like to extend my greetings to all of you. I am grateful to the almighty God for providing me with the opportunity to be in an academic environment, those seeking truth and striving for the promotion of science and knowledge.

At the outset I want to complain a bit from the person who read this political statement against me. In Iran tradition requires that when we demand a person to invite to be a speaker we actually respect our students and the professors by allowing them to make their own judgment and we don't think it's necessary before this speech is even given to come in with a series of claims...

(APPLAUSE)

... and to attempt in a so-called manner to provide vaccination of some sort to our students and our faculty.

I think the text read by the dear gentleman here, more than addressing me, was an insult to information and the knowledge of the audience here, present here. In a university environment we must allow people to speak their mind, to allow everyone to talk so that the truth is eventually revealed by all.

Certainly he took more than all the time I was allocated to speak, and that's fine with me. We'll just leave that to add up with the claims of respect for freedom and the freedom of speech that's given to us in this country.

Many parts of his speech, there were many insults and claims that were incorrect, regretfully.

AHMADINEJAD: Of course, I think that he was affected by the press, the media, and the political, sort of, mainstream line that you read here that goes against the very grain of the need for peace and stability in the world around us.

Nonetheless, I should not begin by being affected by this unfriendly treatment. I will tell you what I have to say, and then the questions he can raise and I'll be happy to provide answers. But as for one of the issues that he did raise, I most certainly would need to elaborate further so that we, for ourselves, can see how things fundamentally work.

It was my decision in this valuable forum and meeting to speak with you about the importance of knowledge, of information, of education. Academics and religious scholars are shining torches who shed light in order to remove darkness. And the ambiguities around us in guiding humanity out of ignorance and perplexity.

The key to the understanding of the realities around us rests in the hands of the researchers, those who seek to discover areas that are hidden, the unknown sciences, the windows of realities that they can open is done only through efforts of the scholars and the learned people in this world.

AHMADINEJAD: With every effort there is a window that is opened, and one reality is discovered. Whenever the high stature of science and wisdom is preserved and the dignity of scholars and researchers are respected, humans have taken great strides toward their material and spiritual promotion.

In contrast, whenever learned people and knowledge have been neglected, humans have become stranded in the darkness of ignorance and negligence.

If it were not for human instinct, which tends toward continual discovery of truth, humans would have always remained stranded in ignorance and no way would not have discovered how to improve the life that we are given.

The nature of man is, in fact, a gift granted by the Almighty to all. The Almighty led mankind into this world and granted him wisdom and knowledge as his prime gift enabling him to know his God.

In the story of Adam, a conversation occurs between the Almighty and his angels. The angels call human beings an ambitious and merciless creature and protested against his creation.

But the Almighty responded, quote, "I have knowledge of what you are ignorant of," unquote. Then the Almighty told Adam the truth. And on the order of the Almighty, Adam revealed it to the angels.

The angels could not understand the truth as revealed by the human being.

AHMADINEJAD: The Almighty said to them, quote, "Did not I say that I am aware of what is hidden in heaven and in the universe?" unquote.

In this way the angels prostrated themselves before Adam.

In the mission of all divine prophets, the first sermons were of the words of God, and those words -- piety, faith and wisdom -- have been spread to all mankind.

Regarding the holy prophet Moses, may peace be upon him, God says, quote, "And he was taught wisdom, the divine book, the Old Testament and the New Testament. He is the prophet appointed for the sake of the children of Israel, and I rightfully brought a sign from the Almighty, holy Koran (SPEAKING IN PERSIAN)," unquote.

The first words, which were revealed to the holy prophet of Islam, call the prophet to read, quote, "Read, read in the name of your God, who supersedes everything," unquote, the Almighty, quote again, "who taught the human being with the pen," unquote. Quote, "The Almighty taught human beings what they were ignorant of," unquote.

You see, in the first verses revealed to the holy prophet of Islam, words of reading, teaching and the pen are mentioned. These verses in fact introduced the Almighty as the teacher of human beings, the teacher who taught humans what they were ignorant of.

In another part of the Koran, on the mission of the holy prophet of Islam, it is mentioned that the Almighty appointed someone from amongst the common people as their prophet in order to, quote, "read for them the divine verses," unquote, and quote again, "and purify them from ideological and ethical contamination" unquote, and quote again, "to teach them the divine book and wisdom," unquote.

AHMADINEJAD: My dear friends, all the words and messages of the divine prophets from Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, to David and Solomon and Moses, to Jesus and Mohammad delivered humans from ignorance, negligence, superstitions, unethical behavior, and corrupted ways of thinking, with respect to knowledge, on the path to knowledge, light and rightful ethics.

In our culture, the word science has been defined as illumination. In fact, the science means brightness and the real science is a science which rescues the human being from ignorance, to his own benefit. In one of the widely accepted definitions of science, it is stated that it is the light which sheds to the hearts of those who have been selected by the almighty.

Therefore, according to this definition, science is a divine gift and the heart is where it resides. If we accept that science means illumination, then its scope supersedes the experimental sciences and it includes every hidden and disclosed reality.

One of the main harms inflicted against science is to limit it to experimental and physical sciences. This harm occurs even though it extends far beyond this scope. Realities of the world are not limited to physical realities and the materials, just a shadow of supreme reality. And physical creation is just one of the stories of the creation of the world.

Human being is just an example of the creation that is a combination of a material and the spirit. And another important point is the relationship of science and purity of spirit, life, behavior and ethics of the human being. In the teachings of the divine prophets, one reality shall always be attached to science; the reality of purity of spirit and good behavior. Knowledge and wisdom is pure and clear reality.

It is -- science is a light. It is a discovery of reality. And only a pure scholar and researcher, free from wrong ideologies, superstitions, selfishness and material trappings can discover -- discover the reality.

AHMADINEJAD: My dear friends and scholars, distinguished participants, science and wisdom can also be misused, a misuse caused by selfishness, corruption, material desires and material interests, as well as individual and group interests.

Material desires place humans against the realities of the world. Corrupted and dependent human beings resist acceptance of reality. And even if they do accept it, they do not obey it.

There are many scholars who are aware of the realities but do not accept them. Their selfishness does not allow them to accept those realities.

Do those who, in the course of human history, wage wars, not understand the reality that lives, properties, dignity, territories, and the rights of all human beings should be respected, or did they understand it but neither have faith in nor abide by it?

My dear friends, as long as the human heart is not free from hatred, envy, and selfishness, it does not abide by the truth, by the illumination of science and science itself.

Science is the light, and scientists must be pure and pious. If humanity achieves the highest level of physical and spiritual knowledge but its scholars and scientists are not pure, then this knowledge cannot serve the interests of humanity, and several events can ensue.

First, the wrongdoers reveal only a part of the reality, which is to their own benefit, and conceal the rest. As we have witnessed with respect to the scholars of the divine religions in the past, too, unfortunately, today, we see that certain researchers and scientists are still hiding the truth from the people.

Second, science, scientists, and scholars are misused for personal, group, or party interests. So, in today's world, bullying powers are misusing many scholars and scientists in different fields with the purpose of stripping nations of their wealth.

AHMADINEJAD: And they use all opportunities only for their own benefit.

For example, they deceive people by using scientific methods and tools. They, in fact, wish to justify their own wrongdoings, though. By creating nonexistent enemies, for example, and an insecure atmosphere, they try to control all in the name of combating insecurity and terrorism.

They even violate individual and social freedoms in their own nations under that pretext. They do not respect the privacy of their own people. They tap telephone calls and try to control their people. They create an insecure psychological atmosphere in order to justify their warmongering acts in different parts of the world.

As another example, by using precise scientific methods and planning, they begin their onslaught on the domestic cultures of nations, the cultures which are the result of thousands of years of interaction, creativity and artistic activities.

They try to eliminate these cultures in order to separate the people from their identity and cut their bonds with their own history and values. They prepare the ground for stripping people from their spiritual and material wealth by instilling in them feelings of intimidation, desire for imitation and (inaudible) submission to oppressive powers and disability.

Making nuclear, chemical and biological bombs and weapons of mass destruction is yet another result of the misuse of science and research by the big powers.

AHMADINEJAD: Without cooperation of certain scientists and scholars, we would not have witnessed production of different nuclear, chemical and biological weapons.

Are these weapons to protect global security?

What can a perpetual nuclear umbrella threat achieve for the sake of humanity?

If nuclear war wages between nuclear powers, what human catastrophe will take place?

Today we can see the nuclear effects in even new generations of Nagasaki and Hiroshima residents, which might be witnessed in even the next generations to come.

Presently, the effects of the depleted uranium used in weapons since the beginning of the war in Iraq can be examined and investigated accordingly.

These catastrophes take place only when scientists and scholars are misused by oppressors.

Another point of sorrow: Some big powers create a monopoly over science and prevent other nations in achieving scientific development as well.

This, too, is one of the surprises of our time. Some big powers do not want to see the progress of other societies and nations. They turn to thousands of reasons, make allegations, place economic sanctions to prevent other nations from developing and advancing, all resulting from their distance from human values and the teachings of the divine prophets.

Regretfully, they have not been trained to serve mankind.

AHMADINEJAD: Dear academics, dear faculty and scholars, students, I believe that the biggest God-given gift to man is science and knowledge. Man's search for knowledge and the truth through science is what it guarantees to do in getting close to God. But science has to combine with the purity of the spirit and of the purity of man's spirit so that scholars can unveil the truth and then use that truth for advancing humanity's cause.

These scholars would be not only people who would guide humanity, but also guide humanity towards a better future.

And it is necessary that big powers should not allow mankind to engage in monopolistic activities and to prevent other nations from achieving that science. Science is a divine gift by God to everyone, and therefore, it must remain pure.

God is aware of all reality. All researchers and scholars are loved by God. So I hope there will be a day where these scholars and scientists will rule the world and God himself will arrive with Moses and Christ and Mohammed to rule the world and to take us toward justice.

I'd like to thank you now but refer to two points made in the introduction given about me, and then I will be open for any questions.

Last year -- I would say two years ago -- I raised two questions. You know that my main job is a university instructor.

AHMADINEJAD: Right now, as president of Iran, I still continue teaching graduate and Ph.D.-level courses on a weekly basis. My students are working with me in scientific fields. I believe that I am an academic, myself. So I speak with you from an academic point of view, and I raised two questions.

But, instead of a response, I got a wave of insults and allegations against me. And regretfully, they came mostly from groups who claimed most to believe in the freedom of speech and the freedom of information. You know quite well that Palestine is an old wound, as old as 60 years. For 60 years, these people are displaced.

For 60 years, these people are being killed. For 60 years, on a daily basis, there's conflict and terror. For 60 years, innocent women and children are destroyed and killed by helicopters and airplanes that break the house over their heads. For 60 years, children and kindergartens, in schools, in high schools, are in prison being tortured. For 60 years, security in the Middle East has been endangered. For 60 years, the slogan of expansionism from the Nile to the Euphrates is being chanted by certain groups in that part of the world.

And as an academic, I asked two questions; the same two questions that I will ask here again. And you judge, for yourselves, whether the response to these questions should be the insults, the allegations, and all the words and the negative propaganda or should we really try and face these two questions and respond to them?

AHMADINEJAD: Like you, like any academic, I, too, will keep -- not yet become silent until I get the answer. So I'm awaiting logical answers instead of insults.

My first question was if -- given that the Holocaust is a present reality of our time, a history that occurred, why is there not sufficient research that can approach the topic from different perspectives?

Our friend referred to 1930 as the point of departure for this development. However, I believe the Holocaust from what we've read happened during World War II, after 1930, in the 1940s. So, you know, we have to really be able to trace the event.

My question was simple: There are researchers who want to approach the topic from a different perspective. Why are they put into prison? Right now, there are a number of European academics who have been sent to prison because they attempted to write about the Holocaust or research it from a different perspective, questioning certain aspects of it.

My question is: Why isn't it open to all forms of research?

I have been told that there's been enough research on the topic. And I ask, well, when it comes to topics such as freedom, topics such as democracy, concepts and norms such as God, religion, physics even, or chemistry, there's been a lot of research, but we still continue more research on those topics. We encourage it.

But, then, why don't we encourage more research on a historical event that has become the root, the cause of many heavy catastrophes in the region in this time and age?

AHMADINEJAD: Why shouldn't there be more research about the root causes? That was my first question.

And my second question, well, given this historical event, if it is a reality, we need to still question whether the Palestinian people should be paying for it or not. After all, it happened in Europe. The Palestinian people had no role to play in it. So why is it that the Palestinian people are paying the price of an event they had nothing to do with?

The Palestinian people didn't commit any crime. They had no role to play in World War II. They were living with the Jewish communities and the Christian communities in peace at the time. They didn't have any problems.

And today, too, Jews, Christians and Muslims live in brotherhood all over the world in many parts of the world. They don't have any serious problems.

But why is it that the Palestinians should pay a price, innocent Palestinians, for 5 million people to remain displaced or refugees abroad for 60 years. Is this not a crime? Is asking about these crimes a crime by itself?

Why should an academic myself face insults when asking questions like this? Is this what you call freedom and upholding the freedom of thought?

And as for the second topic, Iran's nuclear issue, I know there is time limits, but I need time. I mean, a lot of time was taken from me.

We are a country, we are a member of the International Atomic Energy Agency. For over 33 years we are a member state of the agency. The bylaw of the agency explicitly states that all member states have the right to the peaceful nuclear fuel technology. This is an explicit statement made in the bylaw, and the bylaw says that there is no pretext or excuse, even the inspections carried by the IAEA itself that can prevent member states' right to have that right.

Of course, the IAEA is responsible to carry out inspections. We are one of the countries that's carried out the most amount of level of cooperation with the IAEA. They have had hours and weeks and days of inspections in our country, and over and over again the agency's reports indicate that Iran's activities are peaceful, that they have not detected a deviation, and that Iran -- they have received positive cooperation from Iran.

But regretfully, two or three monopolistic powers, selfish powers want to force their word on the Iranian people and deny them their right.

AHMADINEJAD: They keep saying...

(CROSSTALK)

AHMADINEJAD: They tell us you don't let them -- they won't let them inspect. Why not? Of course we do. How come is it, anyway, that you have that right and we can't have it? We want to have the right to peaceful nuclear energy. They tell us, don't make it yourself, we'll give it to you.

Well, in the past, I tell you, we had contracts with the U.S. government, with the British government, the French government, the German government, and the Canadian government on nuclear development for peaceful purposes. But unilaterally, each and every one of them canceled their contracts with us, as a result of which the Iranian people had to pay a heavy cost in billions of dollars.

Why do we need the fuel from you? You've not even given us spare aircraft parts that we need for civilian aircraft for 28 years under the name of embargo and sanctions because we're against, for example, human rights or freedom? Under that pretext, you are deny us that technology? We want to have the right to self-determination toward our future. We want to be independent. Don't interfere in us.

If you don't give us spare parts for civilian aircraft, what is the expectation that you'd give us fuel for nuclear development for peaceful purposes?

For 30 years, we've faced these problems for over $5 billion to the Germans and then to the Russians, but we haven't gotten anything. And the words have not been completed.

It is our right. We want our right. And we don't want anything beyond the law, nothing less than international law.

We are a peaceful, loving nation. We love all nations.

(APPLAUSE)

MODERATOR: Mr. President, your statements here today and in the past have provoked many questions which I would like to pose to you on behalf of the students and faculty who have submitted them to me.

Let me begin with the question to which you just alluded...

AHMADINEJAD: Just one by one, one by one -- could you just...

MODERATOR: Yes.

(APPLAUSE)

MODERATOR: The first question is: Do you or your government seek the destruction of the state of Israel as a Jewish state?

AHMADINEJAD: We love all nations. We are friends with the Jewish people. There are many Jews in Iran, leaving peacefully, with security.

You must understand that in our constitution and our laws and in the parliamentary elections for every 150,000 people, we get one representative in the parliament. For the Jewish community, for one- fifth of this number, they still get one independent representative in the parliament.

So our proposal to the Palestinian plight is a humanitarian and democratic proposal. What we say is that to solve this 60-year problem, we must allow the Palestinian people to decide about its future for itself.

This is compatible with the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations and the fundamental principles enshrined in it. We must allow Jewish Palestinians, Muslim Palestinians and Christian Palestinians to determine their own fate themselves through a free referendum.

AHMADINEJAD: Whatever they choose as a nation, everybody should accept and respect. Nobody should interfere in the affairs of the Palestinian nation. Nobody should sow the seeds of discord. Nobody should spend tens of billions of dollars equipping and arming one group there.

We say allow the Palestinian nation to decide its own future, to have the right to self-determination for itself. This is what we are saying as the Iranian nation.

(APPLAUSE)

QUESTION: Mr. President, I think many members of our audience would like to hear a clearer answer to that question. That is...

(APPLAUSE)

The question is: Do you or your government seek the destruction of the state of Israel as a Jewish state? And I think you could answer that question with a single word, either yes or no.

(APPLAUSE)

AHMADINEJAD: You asked the question, and then you want the answer the way you want to hear it. Well, this isn't really a free flow of information.

(APPLAUSE)

I'm just telling you what my position is. I'm asking you: Is the Palestinian issue not an international issue of prominence or not? Please tell me, yes or no?

(APPLAUSE)

There's the plight of a people.

QUESTION: The answer to your question is yes.

AHMADINEJAD: Well, thank you for your cooperation. We recognize there's a problem there that's been going on for 60 years. Everybody provides a solution. And our solution is a free referendum.

Let this referendum happen, and then you'll see what the results are.

AHMADINEJAD: Let the people of Palestine freely choose what they want for their future. And then what you want in your mind to happen there will happen and will be realized.

QUESTION: (OFF-MIKE) second question, which was posed by President Bollinger earlier and comes from a number of other students: Why is your government providing aid to terrorists?

Will you stop doing so and permit international monitoring to certify that you have stopped?

AHMADINEJAD: Well, I want to pose a question here to you. If someone comes and explodes bombs around you, threatens your president, members of the administration, kills the members of the Senate or Congress, how would you treat them?

Would you reward them, or would you name them a terrorist group?

Well, it's clear. You would call them a terrorist.

My dear friends, the Iranian nation is a victim of terrorism. For --26 years ago, where I worked, close to where I worked, in a terrorist operation, the elected president of the Iranian nation and the elected prime minister of Iran lost their lives in a bomb explosion. They turned into ashes.

A month later, in another terrorist operation, 72 members of our parliament and highest-ranking officials, including four ministers and eight deputy ministers' bodies were shattered into pieces as a result of terrorist attacks.

AHMADINEJAD: Within six months, over 4,000 Iranians lost their lives, assassinated by terrorist groups. All this carried out by the hand of one single terrorist group. Regretfully, that same terrorist group now, today, in your country, is being -- operating under the support of the U.S. administration, working freely, distributing declarations freely, and their camps in Iraq are supported by the U.S. government.

They're secured by the U.S. government. Our nation has been harmed by terrorist activities. We were the first nation that objected to terrorism and the first to uphold the need to fight terrorism.

(APPLAUSE)

QUESTION: Mr. President, a number of questioners -- sorry -- a number of people have asked...

AHMADINEJAD: We need to address the root causes of terrorism and eradicate those root causes. We live in the Middle East. For us, it's quite clear which powers, sort of, incite terrorists, support them, fund them. We know that. Our nation, the Iranian nation, through history has always extended a hand of friendship to other nations. We're a cultured nation.

We don't need to resort to terrorism. We've been victims of terrorism, ourselves. And it's regrettable that people who argue they're fighting terrorism, instead of supporting the Iranian people and nation, instead of fighting the terrorists that are attacking them, they're supporting the terrorists and then turn the fingers to us.

AHMADINEJAD: This is most regrettable.

QUESTION: Mr. President, a further set of questions challenged your view of the Holocaust. Since the evidence that this occurred in Europe in the 1940s, as a result of the actions of the German Nazi government, since that -- those facts -- are well documented, why are you calling for additional research? There seems to be no purpose in doing so, other than to question whether the Holocaust actually occurred as a historical fact.

Can you explain why you believe more research is needed into the facts of what are -- what is -- what are incontrovertible?

AHMADINEJAD: Thank you very much for your question. I am an academic, and you are as well.

Can you argue that researching a phenomenon is finished, forever done? Can we close the books for good on a historical event?

There are different perspectives that come to light after every research is done. Why should we stop research at all? Why should we stop the progress of science and knowledge?

You shouldn't ask me why I'm asking questions. You should ask yourselves why you think that that's questionable? Why do you want to stop the progress of science and research?

Do you ever take what's known as absolute in physics? We had principles in mathematics that were granted to be absolute in mathematics for over 800 years. But new science has gotten rid of those absolutisms, come forward other different logics of looking at mathematics and sort of turned the way we look at it as a science altogether after 800 years.

So, we must allow researchers, scholars, they investigate into everything, every phenomenon -- God, universe, human beings, history and civilization. Why should we stop that?

I am not saying that it didn't happen at all. This is not that judgment that I am passing here.

I said, in my second question, granted this happened, what does it have to do with the Palestinian people?

AHMADINEJAD: This is a serious question. There are two dimensions. In the first question...

QUESTION: Let me just -- let me pursue this a bit further.

It is difficult to have a scientific discussion if there isn't at least some basis, some empirical basis, some agreement about what the facts are. So calling for research into the facts when the facts are so well established represents for many a challenging of the facts themselves and a denial that something terrible occurred in Europe in those years.

(APPLAUSE)

Let me move on to...

AHMADINEJAD: Allow me. After all, you are free to interpret what you want from what I say. But what I am saying I'm saying with full clarity.

In the first question I'm trying to actually uphold the rights of European scholars. In the field of science and research I'm asking, there is nothing known as absolute. There is nothing sufficiently done. Not in physics for certain. There has been more research on physics than it has on the Holocaust, but we still continue to do research on physics. There is nothing wrong with doing it.

This is what man wants. They want to approach a topic from different points of view. Scientists want to do that. Especially an issue that has become the foundation of so many other political developments that have unfolded in the Middle East in the past 60 years.

Why do we stop it altogether? You have to have a justified reason for it. The fact that it was researched sufficiently in the past is not a sufficient justification in my mind.

QUESTION: Mr. President, another student asks -- Iranian women are now denied basic human rights and your government has imposed draconian punishments, including execution on Iranian citizens who are homosexuals. Why are you doing those things?

AHMADINEJAD: Freedoms in Iran are genuine, true freedoms. Iranian people are free. Women in Iran enjoy the highest levels of freedom.

We have two deputy -- two vice presidents that are female, at the highest levels of specialty, specialized fields. In our parliament and our government and our universities, they're present. In our biotechnological fields, our technological fields, there are hundreds of women scientists that are active -- in the political realm as well.

It's not -- it's wrong for some governments, when they disagree with another government, to, sort of, try to spread lies that distort the full truth.

Our nation is free. It has the highest level of participation in elections, in Iran. Eighty percent, ninety percent of the people turn out for votes during the elections, half of which, over half of which are women. So how can we say that women are not free? Is that the entire truth?

But as for the executions, I'd like to raise two questions. If someone comes and establishes a network for illicit drug trafficking that affects the youth in Iran, Turkey, Europe, the United States, by introducing these illicit drugs and destroys them, would you ever reward them?

People who lead the lives -- cause the deterioration of the lives of hundreds of millions of youth around the world, including in Iran, can we have any sympathy to them? Don't you have capital punishment in the United States? You do, too.

(APPLAUSE)

AHMADINEJAD: In Iran, too, there's capital punishment for illicit drug traffickers, for people who violated the rights of people. If somebody takes up a gun, goes into a house, kills a group of people there, and then tries to take ransom, how would you confront them in Iran -- or in the United States? Would you reward them? Can a physician allow microbes symbolically speaking to spread across a nation?

We have laws. People who violate the public rights of the people by using guns, killing people, creating insecurity, sells drugs, distribute drugs at a high level are sentenced to execution in Iran.

And some of these punishments, very few, are carried in the public eye, before the public eye. It's a law, based on democratic principles. You use injections and microbes to kill these people, and they, they're executed or they're hung. But the end result is killing.

QUESTION: Mr. President, the question isn't about criminal and drug smugglers. The question was about sexual preference and women.

(APPLAUSE)

AHMADINEJAD: In Iran, we don't have homosexuals, like in your country.

(LAUGHTER)

We don't have that in our country.

(AUDIENCE BOOING)

AHMADINEJAD: In Iran, we do not have this phenomenon. I don't know who's told you that we have it.

(LAUGHTER)

But, as for women, maybe you think that being a woman is a crime. It's not a crime to be a woman.

AHMADINEJAD: Women are the best creatures created by God. They represent the kindness, the beauty that God instills in them. Women are respected in Iran. In Iran, every family who is given a girl -- is given -- in every Iranian family who has a girl, they are 10 times happier than having a son. Women are respected more than men are.

They are exempt from many responsibilities. Many of the legal responsibilities rest on the shoulders of men in our society because of the respect, culturally given, to women, to the future mothers. In Iranian culture, men and sons and girls constantly kiss the hands of their mothers as a sign of respect, respect for women. And we are proud of this culture.

QUESTION: Mr. President, I have two questions which I'll put together.

One is, what did you hope to accomplish by speaking at Columbia today? And the second is, what would you have said if you were permitted to visit the site of the September 11th tragedy?

AHMADINEJAD: Well, here, I'm your guest. I've been invited by Columbia, an official invitation given for me to come here. But I do want to say something here.

In Iran, when you invite a guest, you respect them. This is our tradition, required by our culture. And I know that American people have that culture, as well. Last year, I wanted to go to the site of the September 11th tragedy to show respect to the victims of the tragedy, to show my sympathy with their families.

But our plans got overextended. We were involved in negotiations and meetings until midnight. And they said it would be very difficult to go visit the site at that late hour of the night. So, I told my friends then that they need to plan this for the following year so that I can go and visit the site and to show my respects.

Regretfully, some groups had very strong reactions, very bad reactions. It's bad for someone to prevent someone to show sympathy to the families of the victims of the September 11 event -- tragic event. This is a respect from my side. Somebody told me this is an insult. I said, "What are you saying? This is my way of showing my respect. Why would you think that?"

Thinking like that, how do you expect to manage the world and world affairs?

AHMADINEJAD: Don't you think that a lot of problems in the world come from the way you look at issues because of this kind of way of thinking, because of this sort of pessimistic approach toward a lot of people, because of a certain level of selfishness, self-absorption that needs to be put aside so that we can show respect to everyone, to allow an environment for friendship to grow, to allow all nations to talk with one another and move toward peace?

What was the second question?

I wanted to speak with the press. The September 11th tragic event was a huge event. It led to a lot of many other events afterwards. After 9/11 Afghanistan was occupied, and then Iraq was occupied. And for six years in our region there is insecurity, terror and fear.

If the root causes of 9/11 are examined properly -- why it was happened, what caused it, what were the conditions that led to it, who truly was involved, who was really involved -- and put it all together to understand how to prevent the crisis in Iraq, fix the problem in Afghanistan and Iraq combined.

QUESTION: Mr. President, a number of questions have asked about your nuclear program. Why is your government seeking to acquire enriched uranium suitable for nuclear weapons? Will you stop doing so?

AHMADINEJAD: Our nuclear program, first and foremost, operates within the framework of law.

And, second, under the inspections of the IAEA.

And, thirdly, they are completely peaceful.

The technology we have is for enrichment below the level of 5 percent level.

AHMADINEJAD: And any level below 5 percent is solely for providing fuel to power plants. Repeated reports by the IAEA explicitly say that there is no indication that Iran has deviated from the peaceful path of its nuclear program.

We are all well aware that Iran's nuclear issue is a political issue. It's not a legal issue. The international atomic energy organization -- agency has verified that our activities are for peaceful purposes.

But there are two or three powers that think that they have the right to monopolize all science and knowledge. And they expect the Iranian people, the Iranian nation, to turn to others to get fuel, to get science, to get knowledge that's indigenous to itself, to humble itself. And then they would, of course, refrain from giving it to us, too.

So we're quite clear what we need.

If you have created the fifth generation of atomic bombs and are testing them already, what position are you in to question the peaceful purposes of other people who want nuclear power?

We do not believe in nuclear weapons, period. It goes against the whole grain of humanity.

(APPLAUSE)

So let me just joke -- try to tell a joke here. I think the politicians who are after atomic bombs or are testing them, making them, politically, they are backward, retarded.

(APPLAUSE)

QUESTION: Mr. President, a final question. I know your time is short and that you need to move on. Is Iran prepared to open broad discussions with the government of the United States?

What would Iran hope to achieve in such discussions?

How do you see, in the future, a resolution of the points of conflict between the government of the United States and the government of Iran?

AHMADINEJAD: From the start, we announced that we are ready to negotiate with all countries.

AHMADINEJAD: Since 28 years ago, when our revolution succeeded and we established, we took freedom and democracy that was held at bay by a pro-Western dictatorship. We announced our readiness that besides two countries, we are ready to have friendly relations and talks with all countries of the world.

One of those two was the apartheid regime of South Africa, which has been eliminated. And the second was the Zionist regime. For everybody else around the world, we announced that we want to have friendly, brotherly ties. The Iranian nation is a cultured nation. It is a civilized nation. It seeks -- it wants talks and negotiations. It's for it.

We believe that in negotiations and talks, everything can be resolved very easily. We don't need threats. We don't need to point bombs or guns. We don't need to get into conflicts if we talk. We have a clear logic about that.

We question the way the world is being run and managed today. We believe that it will not lead to viable peace and security for the world, the way it's run today. We have solutions based on humane values and for relations among states. With the U.S. government, too, we will negotiate -- we don't have any issues about that -- under fair, just circumstances with mutual respect on both sides.

You saw that in order to help the security of Iraq, we had three rounds of talks with the United States, and last year, before coming to New York, I announced that I am ready in the United Nations to engage in a debate with Mr. Bush, the president of the United States, about critical international issues.

AHMADINEJAD: So that shows that we want to talk. Having a debate before the all the audience, so the truth is revealed, so that misunderstandings and misperceptions are removed, so that we can find a clear path for brotherly and friendly relations.

I think that if the U.S. administration, if the U.S. government puts aside some of its old behaviors, it can actually be a good friend for the Iranian people, for the Iranian nation.

For 28 years, they've consistently threatened us, insulted us, prevented our scientific development, every day, under one pretext or another.

You all know Saddam, the dictator, was supported by the government of the United States and some European countries in attacking Iran. And he carried out an eight-year war, a criminal war. Over 200,000 Iranians lost their lives. Over 600,000 Iranians were hurt as a result of the war.

He used chemical weapons. Thousands of Iranians were victims of chemical weapons that he used against us.

Today, Mr. Noble Vinn (ph), who is a reporter, an official reporter, international reporter, who was covering U.N. reports in the U.N. for many years, he is one of the victims of the chemical weapons used by Iraq against us.

And since then, we've been under different propaganda, sort of embargoes, economic sanctions, political sanctions. Why? Because we got rid of a dictator? Because we wanted the freedom and democracy that we got for ourselves? That, we can't understand.

We think that if the U.S. government recognizes the rights of the Iranian people, respects all nations and extends a hand of friendship with all Iranians, they, too, will see that Iranians will be one of its best friends.

AHMADINEJAD: Would you allow me to thank the audience a moment?

Well, there are many things that I would have liked to cover, but I don't want to take your time any further. I was asked: Would I allow the faculty at Columbia and students here to come to Iran? From this platform, I invite Columbia faculty members and students to come and visit Iran, to speak with our university students. You're officially invited.

(APPLAUSE)

University faculty and students that the university decides, or the student associations choose and select are welcome to come. You're welcome to visit any university that you choose inside Iran. We'll provide you with the list of the universities. There are over 400 universities in our country. And you can choose whichever you want to go and visit. We'll give you the platform. We'll respect you 100 percent. We will have our students sit there and listen to you, speak with you, hear what you have to say.

Right now in our universities on a daily basis there are hundreds of meetings like this. They hear, they talk, they ask questions. They welcome it.

In the end I'd like to thank Columbia University. I had heard that many politicians in the United States are trained in Columbia University. And there are many people here who believe in the freedom of speech, in clear, frank conversations.

I do like to extend my gratitude to the managers here in the United States -- at Columbia University, I apologize -- the people who so well organized this meeting today.

AHMADINEJAD: I'd like to extend my deepest gratitude to the faculty members and the students here. I ask Almighty God to assist all of us to move hand in hand to establish peace and future filled with friendship and justice and brotherhood.

Best of luck to all of you.

(APPLAUSE)

MODERATOR: I'm sorry that President Ahmadinejad's schedule makes it necessary for him to leave before he's been able to answer many of the questions that we have, or even answer some of the ones that we posed to him.

(LAUGHTER)

(APPLAUSE)

But I think we can all be pleased that his appearance here demonstrates Columbia's deep commitment to free expression and debate. I want to thank you all for coming to participate.

(APPLAUSE)

Thank you.

END
Sumber: Washingtonpost.com